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Endnotes:
[1] This article is an updated version of Saad-Filho (2014). [2] For a detailed description of the protests, see Saad-Filho (2013) and Saad-Filho and Morais (2014). [3] For a review, see Saad-Filho (2012). [4] Pochmann (2011, pp.22, 24); see also Pochmann (2006, pp.123-125).
[5] Pochmann (2010, pp.640, 648). [6] Pomar (2013, p.34). [7] Pochmann (2011, p.16). [8] See Feijó and Carvalho (1998). [9] Pochmann (2006, p.137).
[10] Pomar (2013, p.41). [11] See Santos (2001). [12] Pochmann (2011, p.16). [13] Pomar (2013, p.32).
[14] The following analysis of the material interests of broad social groups is not meant to read off individual proclivities from fixed class positions, or to suggest that social classes or strata ought to be either self-conscious o politically united. Instead, it seeks to illustrate how conflicting economic interests and social relations in Brazil can support distinct political platforms and rival economic policy programmes which, in turn, tend to be expressed through alternative political parties, organizations and movements.
[15] See Morais and Saad-Filho (2011, 2012). [16] Saad-Filho (2007). [17] Pomar (2013, p.10). [18] Boito and Marcelino (2011, p.62).
[19] See http://www.dmtemdebate.com.br/abre_noticia_colunista.php?id=20; this source reports lower trade union membership than the Anuário dos Trabalhadores (www.dieese.org.br).
[20] See Boito and Marcelino (2011, pp.66-67) and www.dieese.org (Balanço das Greves). [21] Medeiros (2013, p.64). [22] Pomar (2013, p.42). [23] See Saad-Filho and Morais (2014).
[24] For an anecdotal account of the demonstrations, see http://www.rededemocratica.org/index.php? option=com_k2&view=item&id=4637:a-ditadura-n%C3%A3o-tem-vez-golpista-no-xadrez. An opinion poll in eight state capitals on 20 June (a day of large demonstrations) suggested that 63% of the demonstrators were aged 14- 29, 92% had completed at least secondary school, 52% were students, 76% were in paid employment, and only 45% earned less than 5 minimum wages. In other words, they had attended school for much longer and had much higher incomes than the population average; see http://g1.globo.com/brasil/noticia/2013/06/veja-integra-da- pesquisa-do-ibope-sobre-os-manifestantes.html and http://thesmokefilledroomblog.com/2013/06/27/who-is- protesting-in-brazil/
[25] For a conceptual analysis of neoliberal democracy, see Ayers and Saad-Filho (2013). [26] This was evident on TV, and it was widely reported at the time. It was also witnessed by the author on 1, 2 and 3 July 2013, at Avenida Paulista, São Paulo’s main thoroughfare. [27] The example of the Italian Movimento 5 Stelle is particularly apposite in this respect. [28] For contrasting left-wing analyses of the elections, see the interview by Maria Orlanda Pinassi in http://www.correiocidadania.com.br/index.php? option=com_content&view=article&id=10128:manchete081014&catid=25:politica&Itemid=47, and Emir Sader’s analysis in http://www.cartamaior.com.br/?/Blog/Blog-do-Emir/Por-que-a-Dilma-quase-perdeu-E-o-que-fazer-para-nao-correr-mais-esse-risco-/2/32201. The Brazilian left generally agrees that the government suffered the consequences of 12 years in power and the adverse turn of the global economy, and it was penalised for having failed to push through more radical reforms of the economy and the media. It is not clear how these challenges can be overcome, especially given the right-wing shift in the composition of Congress in 2014.
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